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From David Roberts
An unlamented former Conservative leader of Guildford council, Stephen Mansbridge, used to talk about local planning being on a “trajectory.”
Mansbridge, who’d been in the army, was likening it to an artillery shell which, once fired, continues in an unstoppable arc until it hits its target.
His intention was to project a sense of inevitability about a process that, sure enough, landed us with an approved Local Plan. Apart from a few tweaks, this was identical to ideas floated ten years before. Bullseye!
On seeing the AECOM consultancy report on potential areas for future “grey belt” development last month my reaction was: here we go again – a new trajectory, this time to turn most of our green belt into potential building land.
Cue for reassurances from Guildford council: “This does not automatically mean development will happen,” they told the BBC, “It is not a planning decision … Any proposals would still need to meet strict planning requirements.”
Sounds familiar? Over fifteen years ago, a consultancy recommended removing most of Guildford’s villages from the green belt. These were “just ideas” which, despite token public consultations, evolved seamlessly into an “evidence base”, “issues and options”, “provisional proposals” and, finally, an irreversible Local Plan that has unleashed a torrent of building across the countryside.
At every stage, we were told that nothing had been approved – up to the point when we were told it was too late to object.
The horrifying maps contained in the AECOM report point to a future in which the green belt is potentially reduced to a few green patches, like London parks, in a potential urban landscape. Once again, we are being told not to worry, that it won’t be as bad as that. And it probably won’t.
But the first salvo has been fired, it’s on its trajectory, and we and our green spaces are the target.
Who pulled the trigger? Councils are under central government pressure to allow grey belt building, and a survey is a reasonable first step. But there are ways to comply without surrendering at the first shot. The survey’s terms of reference could have been far more restrictive – to identify only enough sites to satisfy likely local housing need which definitely meet all the government’s (deliberately vague) grey belt criteria.
Instead, we have a maximalist report from a self-interested commercial organisation, re-defining most of the green belt as “grey” or “provisionally grey” with an open-ended potential for development.
The public and our elected councillors have already lost the initiative. Once again, we are in the hands of technocrats and a planning process which too many councillors accept as objective, automatic and immutable.
But there is nothing independent about reports from international consultants who make their money from development. Nor about council planning officers whose careers take them in and out of the revolving doors of the property industry.
It’s no conspiracy theory to see that there are vested interests at play here (what Michael Gove would have called a “blob”) to maximise opportunities for developers regardless of need or the public interest.
The agenda is already set, and the rest of us can only play catch-up, hoping to mitigate the impacts in a piecemeal way. First, like latter-day theologians, by arguing over exact degrees of “greyness”, thereby legitimising the terms of the argument. Later, by objecting to individual planning applications in an unequal contest of resources with the giant housebuilders and its friends in government.
The coming weeks will no doubt see a wave of public outrage as the implications of the “grey belt” survey sink in. I’m not confident, however, that this will turn into effective political resistance. The Tories and Reform UK are deeply beholden to rich donors in the property sector and Labour hate both the countryside and the South East.
Meanwhile, the Lib Dems are showing no stomach for challenging the standard planning model, despite the opportunity handed to them by their sweeping electoral success across Surrey.
What all national parties share is a love of power and a reluctance to embrace genuine decentralisation, as opposed to reversible “devolution.” If they really trusted local residents, nearly all planning could be done at a parish or hyper-local level as it often is in other countries.
I can imagine a “challenge” model, for instance, where neighbourhoods are incentivised (bribed, if you prefer) to identify sites to meet national housing targets with commensurate infrastructure funds. Many would jump at this, while those who prefer not to would be spared unwanted development. Self-determination with no more appeals and overruling.
But given the prostrate state of British local democracy, that would take extraordinary political vision and courage to implement.
Besides, we are already on a “trajectory.”

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